Sugar-smugglers whose activities have been linked to Al-Shabaab
are still in business, three weeks after one of the terror group’s
deadliest attacks in Kenya that killed 148 people.
Investigations by the Saturday Nation reveal that none of the sugar barons were named in the list of 86 companies and individuals whose accounts were frozen on allegations of supporting terrorism.
Reports by the United Nations and a US government agency say there are about 70 businessmen — located in the Somali port city of Kismayu and in Garissa and Nairobi in Kenya — who are brokers in the sugar and charcoal trade.
Garissa was the scene of the latest attack, on April 2, by Al-Shabaab in which 142 university students and six security officers were killed.
Reports say the businesses earn the militant group millions of dollars which they use in their terror campaign.
Investigations by the Saturday Nation reveal that none of the sugar barons were named in the list of 86 companies and individuals whose accounts were frozen on allegations of supporting terrorism.
Reports by the United Nations and a US government agency say there are about 70 businessmen — located in the Somali port city of Kismayu and in Garissa and Nairobi in Kenya — who are brokers in the sugar and charcoal trade.
Garissa was the scene of the latest attack, on April 2, by Al-Shabaab in which 142 university students and six security officers were killed.
Reports say the businesses earn the militant group millions of dollars which they use in their terror campaign.
According
to a report prepared jointly by the United Nations Environmental
Programme (Unep) and Interpol, Al-Shabaab’s primary source of income
appears to be from informal taxation at roadblocks.
“In
one roadblock case, they have been able to make up to $8 million (Sh696
million) to $18 million (Sh1.5 billion) per year from charcoal traffic
in Somalia’s Badhadhe District,” says the Unep/Interpol report, adding
that trading in charcoal and taxing the ports have generated an
estimated annual total of $38 million to $56 million for Al-Shabaab.
Earnings from the trade are vital in sustaining the terrorists’ capacity to carry out attacks in Somalia and Kenya.
Kismayu
has been controlled by Kenya Defence Forces(KDF) since they captured it
from Al-Shabaab in September 2012, cutting off the group’s finances but
the militants have since moved into the hinterland where they rake in
money at roadblocks.
SENIOR POLITICIAN
Although the reports do not name individuals, the Saturday Nation has established that one of the biggest sugar smugglers based in Garissa is related to a senior politician.
He
has been operating a lucrative smuggling ring between the port of
Kismayu and Garissa, that brings in millions of dollars a year.
The
sugar trade has boomed since KDF went into Somalia in late 2011 and has
overtaken charcoal as southern Somalia’s leading cross-border trade
commodity.
The smuggler has a fleet of trucks that
operate between Garissa and Kismayu. On their way to Kismayu they carry
Kenyan food and consumer goods and on their way back, they are loaded
with hundreds of bags of contraband sugar imported from Brazil.
“There
are five checkpoints between Kismayu and Garissa – three by Al-Shabaab
and two by the KDF. The sugar trucks are waved through all the
checkpoints without any checks. There is a tacit agreement between the
owner and these entities and we are sure hefty sums of money change hand
in the form of illegal ‘taxes’,” said the source.
The
Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) office at the Liboi border crossing is
also implicated in the scam, through “creative invoicing” or by simply
not declaring.
The trucks are also known to use the
Kolbio border post where they are driven to Lamu and Mombasa and resold
to middle-men as “customed” sugar. They are repackaged and made to look
like local sugar.
With Mumias Sugar, Kenya’s biggest
producer of the commodity in financial doldrums, sugar importation has
become even more lucrative.
The news could undermine confidence in the list of terror associates.
The news could undermine confidence in the list of terror associates.
Intriguingly,
while the list included two human rights groups — Muhuri and Haki
Africa — and money transfer firms, none of the sugar barons was listed.
It
also contains names of clerics who the government has been
collaborating with to tackle jihadism and youth radicalisation in
Kenya’s Somali-speaking communities.
Sheikh Ummal, a
prominent Eastleigh-based cleric, whose name was in the list, has
protested his innocence. Sheikh Ummal has consistently criticised
Al-Shabaab’s campaign of terror and its intransigence and refusal to
seek a political settlement.
He is immensely
influential and his anti-Shabaab messages are often relayed on Somali
satellite TV channels, earning him death threats from Al-Shabaab.
“This is the kind of guy the government should keep on its side in its ideological fight against jihadism and Al-Shabaab,” a Somali security source told the Saturday Nation.
“This is the kind of guy the government should keep on its side in its ideological fight against jihadism and Al-Shabaab,” a Somali security source told the Saturday Nation.
LACK OF INFORMATION
Those
who have been named in the list and have appeared before the
counter-terrorism police unit have been shocked at the state agents’
lack of information on the subject.
Father Gabriel
Dolan of Muhuri who appeared before the unit together with his fellow
board members, said: ‘’We expected a ‘grilling’ and to be furnished with
substantive allegations and evidence linking Muhuri with the Al-Shabaab
murderers. However, nothing of the sort emerged.
Instead,
we faced a team of tired, bored NIS officials who did not want to be
identified nor unduly bothered and whose task was merely to give out a
fourteen-page document to be filled, returned and ‘you will be hearing
from us in two weeks.
“The whole thing may have been
sloppy, unprofessional and lacking any shape or direction but the IG
Boinett and his NCTC team had already condemned the two organisations by
freezing their accounts and now in utter contempt of the Constitution
and the rule of law, the burden of proof fell on them to prove their
innocence,” Fr Dolan wrote in his weekly column in the Saturday Nation.
The KRA has also raided the two rights groups’ offices, carting away documents and computers for tax audits.
Meanwhile, for the big boys in the sugar and charcoal trade, it is business as usual.
Elements of the KDF have been accused of colluding with Al-Shabaab in the illegal multi-billion-shilling charcoal trade.
In
2014, a report by a US government-funded organisation, which echoed
earlier findings by the United Nations, alleged that the KDF mission to
Somalia appears to include the charcoal trade.
“Kenya,
although formally a participant in Amisom, which operates in support of
the Somali national government, is also complicit in support of trade
that provides income to Al-Shabaab, its military opponent both inside
Somalia and, increasingly, at home in Kenya,” the Institute of Defence
Analyses (IDA) said in its report by Mr George Ward, formerly
Washington’s ambassador to Namibia.
Kenya’s military
chiefs have previously denied allegations of involvement in any illicit
activity in Somalia and have maintained that since October 2011, they
have only engaged in military action aimed at stabilising the war-torn
country. But the accusations have refused to go away.
While
businesses of the sugar and charcoal barons boom, most of Garissa town
is facing an economic crisis following the attack on the university
college.
Traders in the county who spoke to the
Saturday Nation said they had been incurring heavy losses since the
attack and the dusk-to-dawn curfew imposed by Inspector General of
Police Joseph Boinnet.
Police have also been accused of using the curfew to extort money from residents.
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